Tales from the field - 2009-2010
An initiative of students in the Department studying overseas and/or conducting research in other parts of the country or world. Tales from the Field is meant to provide a forum for students to share their experiences, perhaps in experimental ways, through ongoing narrative pieces that take the reader into a particular (and sometimes peculiar) social and cultural worlds they encounter while "in the field." They are intended to convey the lived experience of the places and people encountered through a variety of depictive techniques and textual devices, highlighting the application of theory and methods in our disciplines of anthropology and sociology. These are voluntary entries from our students organized by academic year of study.
Click on a student name to jump to entries from that student.
Steve Mays - Poland & Sweden [Spring 2010]
Ennis Barbery - Ghana [Fall Term 2009]
Rachel Huff - Peru [Fall Term 2009]
Steve Mays [Graduate Student]
Status: Steve is traveling to Poland as part of his thesis work and will be joining other MU students during a special program of exchange between Marshall University and Malmö University.
Bio: Steve received his B.A. from the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Ohio University. Prior to enrollment in Marshall University’s sociology program in 2008, Steve worked for 30 years in industry and commercial construction. During the 1980s as a member of the Oil, Chemical, and Atomic Workers International Union he became interested in the Polish trade union, Solidarność, and the Polish Solidarity Movement. He is currently working on a thesis pertaining to this social movement. His academic interests include teaching sociology, sociological theory, social movements, Eastern Europe and its interaction with the former Soviet Union. His personal interests include dogs, cats, travel, and building/remodeling projects.
March 17, 2010
Malmo, Sweden
OK, some observations from Sweden ... When in Sweden do
not buy milk just by looking for a picture of a cow on the carton (verses a
goat!). There are several kinds of milk here and I don't mean just different
percentages of fat. Plain milk is
möljk. I bought
flimöljk
because it had such a happy looking cow on the box! When I
opened the carton next morning and poured some
flimöljk on my
cornflakes, I realized I had a major problem...the stuff that came out was sort
of like soured yogurt! It was entirely unappealing to me and I have a taste for
sour foods...I actually enjoyed pickled red cabbage and carrots last week in
Poland, but, I will have to admit, flimöljk was a bit beyond my sourness
limit! I later learned that several such versions of this product
exist...apparently they range from a sort of mild "liquid yogurt" to a sort of
"super-sour-buttermilk." These are said to have originated on Swedish farms as a
means of preserving the raw milk.
Ok, doing laundry in Sweden ... You must have Swedish contacts for this!
Laundromats, I am told, are virtually nonexistent. Apartment houses usually have
one set of commercial washer/dryer units for tenants but these are allotted use
to families only on certain days and at a specified time. Additionally, the
power is turned off after the scheduled usage times. Thus, last night I ended up
with a load of washed clothing but ran out of time for dryer use...the power
simply kicked off at 9:00 pm (21:00 hours as Sweden uses the 24 hour time
system, not AM/PM). My only alternative was to drape the wet clothes over
chairs, tables, etc. in my room and wait for them to air dry. Hope I can borrow
an iron somewhere or else I'll have to try to establish "the wrinkled look" as a
new fashion statement!
March 15, 2010
Malmo, Sweden
I'm writing you from the library at Malmo...just arrived here yesterday and all is going great! The keyboard is a little different here...gotta make room for Ö, Ä, €, ¤, £ and Å. I will have some great tales to tell from Poland (and hopefully from Malmo too.) I was able to get into not only the office of Solidarność, for an interview with the local director, but also into the old Gdanska shipyard (former Lenin Shipyard) where the movement all began. By luck or chance (or, perhaps by direction of the Black Madonna!) I happened to meet this girl who was doing a film on Solidarity...making a student documentary. She was Polish but was attending college in England so she spoke both languages perfectly. She had made a contact with an old guy who had started to work at the Gdansk Yard in 1970....he was 67 years old...just like the old guy I've been talking to in Ironton who worked at Allied Chemical...to these old guys, the plant was their life and the fellow workers their family. Anyway....he got us right inside the yard...right into the main office...right to the dock where a ship was being built ! (the yard is only operating at about 20% former capacity.) We spent the entire day there and through this guy I got an oral history of the movement right at the sites where it all happened...yes, it was living history! Altogether I did 5 interviews, explored the old Soviet-built apartment neighborhoods (still right under the smokestacks of an old coal-fired powerplant with no pollution control...it was a "gift" to Gdansk from "Uncle Joe Stalin"), walked across 20 ft. wide pedestrian bridges (where 70,000 workers crossed over the train tracks each day to get to the 5 different shipyards) and took lots of pictures that (hopefully!) capture a little of what the old Sovietized Eastern Bloc was like. So...yes...I can't wait to show you guys these pictures!
I took a long (accidental!) commuter train ride around Gdansk when I first arrived. After the flight time of almost 24 hours I was rather disoriented but on my "accidental tour" I saw what I thought to be several shanty towns around the outskirts of the city and even up the steep hillsides that flank the western edge of the city. These looked like the squatters towns outside of Juarez, Mexico where the in-migrating factory workers live...little sheds, shacks, lean-tos, made of scrap wood, sheet metal, and assorted odds and ends...one difference...no people! A hillside of little fenced-in shacks with not one soul in sight.
Later that week I started asking about these...even took a looooong walk on foot one day to get some pictures of 'em. It turns out that these were little private gardens and the "shacks" were tool storage sheds for the gardens. But these were not at all "picturesque European flower gardens"...these ramshackle hillside conglomerations of recycled industrial materials, home-made, and protected by woven brush fences and sagging barbed wire were the individual vegetable garden plots that fed the people of Gdansk during the worst years of Poland's economic crisis. All of my informants have described to me the hardships of those years...especially '81 - '83 during martial law. Stores were often empty...literally empty. You could at times buy only tea and macaroni and Trybuna Luda (sort of the Polish Pravda) which was said to be a great newspaper...great for starting fires and for use as toilet paper!
In order to survive, people bought and sold garden produce, fruits, and berries from these little plots on the "blackmarket." As everything bought and sold in The Peoples' Republic of Poland at that time was subject to a high mark-up tax (sometimes as high as 25%) as income for the State, the operators of these little cash-market gardens were, technically, committing a crime...but the state ignored this "crime"...it probably would have been difficult to prosecute for tax fraud a little Polish grandma selling jars of strawberry jam on the side of the street! I saw several old-timers last week still selling jam, honey, and home-canned fruit on the sidewalks of Gdansk. I was told that in the '80s those garden shacks also were used as hen houses, rabbit hutches, dovecots, and occasionally as a shed for a milk goat or two.
It is not unusual to see in rural Appalachia this sort of "mini-farming" as a hobby, for fun, or as a throwback to more traditional times. However, it is the social and historical context of these Gdansk gardens that make them so striking. They extend up the hillsides of a town that produced at one time 30 - 40 huge ocean-going ships per yard per year (and assorted smaller vessels) and with 5 such yards in operation...let's see...that's 200 or more ships per year. They lie across the railroad tracks from one of the largest industrial works ever built in the world...the Gdansk Shipyards are immense. Yet, this town was dependent on little hillside gardens and chicken houses as its supplemental food source. One of my informants, who spent a lifetime building ships in Gdansk, put it this way: "We were building ships for free for the Soviet Union...we built them in Gdansk, the Russians put their name on them, and sold them to Albania, to Brazil, and all over the world...they made good money on our ships...and we couldn't even buy basic groceries on a regular basis...that's one reason Solidarność was so successful...The worse it got, the more the people stuck together...but we knew our transition had to be an evolution, not a revolution...Walesa's plan was for peaceful resistance, peaceful change...there was no other way..."
These little gardens (Pavel jokingly called them "Polish Dachas"), I believe, were part of the process... a peaceful means of survival and a sort of daily protest in their own right...a source of "power of the powerless", as Vaclav Havel put it. I don't know if the gardens produce very much anymore...they were partially covered with snow this time of year and they looked rather brushy and in places overgrown. But I have pictures of them and the story about them that will now be preserved and will make it back to Appalachia...I told that old Gdansk ship yard worker some stories from Ironton, Ohio too (with a little language assistance!) and we had our picture taken together in front of a big Solidarność banner....he was delighted that someone wanted to record his stories...that they had come all the way from Aren'ton, Ohio just to do that! It really made him happy to share with me his stories and I was fascinated by them as well!
In the following video clip, Ennis relates how her studies here and aboard enriches her appreciation for cross-cultural comparison.
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December 06, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana With just one week left in Ghana, I find myself reflecting on how my perceptions of aspects of Ghana have changed over the four months I’ve been here. I remember when I first used the public transportation – “trotros”. Choosing the right one by looking at the hand signals that the “mates” frantically perform as they hang out the passenger window seemed so difficult. Now I know these hand signals well – at least the ones for the areas of Accra I visit often. Knowing when to get off at the right stop or “alight” as Ghanaians always say also seemed like a challenge, but now I know the routes pretty well. The fact that these trotros don’t have seatbelts also bothered me and still does to an extent, but I’ve come to accept it. I remember when I first went to the many markets of Accra. Everything seemed so overwhelming: all the vendors yelling “Oburoni! Bra! Bra! (Foreigner! Come! Come!)”, loud American rap music playing, a guy on a megaphone preaching about the Bible, another guy shouting to sell an herbal supplement for fertility, huge live snails for sale, dried fish and raw meat out in the sun, crowds of people carrying heavy loads on their heads and moving rapidly through the narrow market pathways, and all sorts of unfamiliar smells. Now, this seems normal. The chaos is endearing in fact as I walk though this atmosphere and realize there is nothing remotely similar to this place at home, nothing that I can think of at least. I will miss this chaos, the possibility of finding anything for sale, and the eager vendors – always ready to ask about where I’m from and “how I see Ghana.” I remember when I first started bargaining with the vendors in the markets. This too seemed intimidating at first, but now it is natural for me. I even find myself wanting to bargain in inappropriate contexts now. I imagine that when I come home I’ll have to restrain myself from saying “You want how much for this? No, no, no. It’s only worth two dollars, and that’s my final price” as a stand in line at Kroger. Yet, bargaining in Ghana can still be a challenging and tedious task at times. The vendors of the Arts Market in Accra, for example, are particularly aggressive and ready to charge an oburoni a drastically inflated price. When they learn that I have lived in Ghana for a few months and know how the bargaining works, they tend to become a little more reasonable about their prices, although a tension of course still exists because I am trying to pay the lowest price possible and they are trying to sell their products for the highest price possible. After I buy something, I can talk with these vendors without any such tension, and they often turn out to be very interesting people. For example, last week at the Arts Market I bought a mask from Abayaa or “Professor Abayaa, expert in African culture” as he introduced himself. After buying this mask, Abayaa told me a little about his life. He has an undergraduate anthropology degree but, like most undergraduate degrees in Ghana, he says it is useless unless he attends graduate school. Since graduate school is expensive, he has decided to focus on selling his handmade drums and other art and performing African music with his “cultural troop.” He told me about how he migrated to Accra from the Northern Region in search of work but that he would prefer to live in the Northern Region. I’ve heard many similar personal accounts of rural to urban migration from the people I’ve met in Accra, and these stories bring to life the rural to urban migration pattern that we discussed at length in my Rural Sociology class this semester. After four months of life in Ghana, I feel that I can perceive the place and the people on a different, more intimate level. Four months ago, statistics about things like migration, poverty, and African traditional religions in Ghana existed in my mind. The statistics are still there but they are illustrated, magnified, or even challenged by the stories and descriptions I’ve heard from the many individuals I’ve met – individuals who have been willing to share their time and their thoughts with me, for which I am very grateful.
November 16, 2009 Tombouctou (Timbuktu), Mali After four days of travelling from Ghana in various overcrowded buses and shared SUVs, my companions and I have finally reached Timbuktu in Mali. From the rough roads to the overnight wait for a ferry to cross the river, it really was legendarily hard to reach – at least compared to any other place to which I’ve ever travelled. As recommended by our guidebooks, we hired a guide to take us on a camel ride and then camp with us in the desert. Our guide was one of the Tuareg people – the ethnic group who traditionally lives in the Sahara trading salt (mainly) in caravans – and he took us to his family’s home in the desert to stay the night. The camel ride to get to his home from Timbuktu was about an hour long, and although he said there were other Tuareg families nearby, we could only see sand, little shrubberies, and the occasional wandering donkey in all directions. Our guide, his wife and children made us rice and mutton for dinner. He also prepared for us many rounds of sweetened, traditional tea – tea which a resident described to me earlier that day as the equivalent of beer in Timbuktu. By the end of the meal, it was completely dark. Or I should say it was completely void of artificial light because the thick veil of stars – more stars than I realized were in existence – provided more than enough light. Then, the children began playing musical instruments, singing, and dancing, after negotiating a price for this entertainment of course. As this went on, families appeared from out of the surrounding darkness and happily joined in the song and dance. I wondered how much of this was an act was for us and how much was genuine, but after talking to the people more I decided this probably was their ordinary nightly entertainment. It was beautiful. I couldn’t stop thinking about how fundamentally different the nature of this entertainment is from an ordinary night of family entertainment –aka television – in the U.S. It was so active rather than passive; everyone was involved, whether they were playing musical instruments or simply clapping and singing along. The entire community was involved. The multiple generations all seemed to be enjoying the same entertainment. Of course, less resources were being used because there was no electricity available. Even though I couldn’t understand the lyrics and the community laughed (in a friendly way) when my companions and I tried to join in the dancing, I felt very welcome. I’m sure experiencing this entertainment as a Tuareg community member rather than an outsider is fundamentally different and meaningful in an entirely different way.
November 19, 2009 Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso (on a bus) My travel companions and I are now on our way back toward Accra and the University of Ghana, back toward the end of semester exams. The bus we are taking is filled with people from Mali who speak French and very little English, while we speak English and very little French. So our conversations have mostly been limited to “Hello,” “How are you?” and “Where are you from?” As soon as our French-speaking co-passengers learn that we are from the U.S., the conversation shifts – almost invariably – to one subject: Barack Obama. When it comes to communicating support for Obama, the language barriers fade away. The men sitting across from us on the bus only need their big smiles and repeated word “Obama! Obama!” let me know that they are happy he is president of the U.S., and that I am associated with him. I have encountered this enthusiastic support for Obama throughout my stay in Ghana. In fact, Ghana has a more personal connection to Obama because he travelled to Ghana over the summer. Reminders of this visit are visible all around Accra in the form of huge sign and billboards depicting Obama beside Ghana’s president, Atta Mills. It makes me happy that, as an American, I am associated with a man that so many Ghanaians admire. Yet, like many Americans, most of the Ghanaians I’ve talked to about Obama do not know very much about his policies. They know he is associated with Africa, and that is enough. I was actually very hurt when one man I talked to about American politics refused to believe that I voted for Obama. He said, “But you are white so why would you vote for him?” I tried to explain that Obama was elected because many people, of many different ethnic backgrounds, voted for him, but this man did not accept my explanation. Of course, I’ve also met Ghanaians who know more than I do about U.S. policy. Ultimately, Barack Obama is a popular conversation topic and often a source of pride throughout the African countries I’ve visited, regardless of language and political knowledge. If the election of last fall had turned out differently, I wonder how my experience as an American in Africa would have been different.
November 9, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana Over the course of this weekend, I had a lot of conversations – short, simple conversations – with Ghanaians in one of the local languages, Asante Twi. I’ve been taking a course in Asante Twi at the university this semester, but, at this point, I only know basic things: how to greet people, how to ask them simple questions about themselves, and how to bargain for a taxi or for something in the market. I have been trying to practice and improve my vocabulary and pronunciation, but the more I speak with Ghanaians in Twi, the more I realize that those things – vocabulary, pronunciation, using the correct verb form – don’t matter so much to the Ghanaians with whom I have spoken. What does seem to matter is the fact that I am trying to use the language. Often when I pass someone on the street, he or she says “Oburoni, ete sen?” meaning “Foreigner, how are you?” in Twi. When I respond quickly with “Eye. Na wo nso e?” which means “I am fine. And how are you also?” the person who asked me the question often looks very surprised and happy. He or she will usually start asking me a series of questions in Twi. I will try to answer these questions, but I will inevitably end up saying, “I don’t understand. What does that mean?” I love seeing how happy Ghanaians get when I try to speak in Twi with them. It makes the language much easier to learn because I don’t feel intimidated when trying to use it. When I don’t know how to say something or I don’t understand a phrase, the Ghanaians I’ve met have always been willing to teach me. Every conversation I have in Twi seems to end with the Twi-speaker complimenting me on my Twi, even if I know I made a lot of mistakes.
November 2, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana After being in Ghana for almost three months now, I’ve started to notice a strange attraction I have to things that remind me of home. One example is Easy Mac. I don’t particularly like Easy Mac or eat it often in the U.S., but when my friend Heidi prepared some Easy Mac that she had brought from home the other night and shared it with me, I enjoyed so much more than I think I would have in the U.S. I suppose this increased enjoyment stems for the fact that it is not readily available here, and, if it is available somewhere, it is probably about fifteen Ghana Cedis (about ten U.S. dollars). My roommate Ana – who is from Mexico – says she feels the same way about products from Mexico. When she sees a Mexican brand on a grocery store shelf here in Ghana, she feels drawn to it – even if she would not normally buy that particular product in Mexico. This strange, nostalgic enthusiasm about things that remind me of home extends beyond products to holidays. Last Saturday was Halloween – a holiday that Ghanaians do not celebrate but the community of international students in Ghana does. As a walked through a Halloween party hosted by an Italian guy, and saw the elaborate costumes that some of the attendees had constructed, I wondered if all these people would have been just as enthusiastic about celebrating Halloween if they had been in a place where Halloween is normally celebrated. As an American living in the U.S., Halloween has always been a fun holiday – an excuse to eat candy, watch scary movies, and wear something creative. Yet, as an “oburoni” (foreigner in the local Twi language), celebrating Halloween and explaining Halloween to Ghanaians who asked me about the holiday was also a way of reaffirming my cultural identity to myself and others. Celebrating holidays and preparing foods that I associate with my life in West Virginia seem more meaningful to me Ghana – a place where those holidays are less recognized and those foods less common. Somehow, I don’t think Easy Mac will taste as delicious in the U.S. October 19, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana Over the weekend, the entire ISEP group of exchange students – about thirty of us – travelled to the nearby city of Kumasi. We toured the palace of the Ashanti people, which has now been converted into a museum, and visited Kumasi Central Market. One of the female exchange students organized a meeting for all the women in the group to discuss our experiences as we reach the halfway mark in the semester. Although many of us were reluctant to attend this meeting at first, the discussion ended up being very illuminating. We had not come together as a group since the initial week of orientation, and it was interesting to hear the perspectives of other women going through very similar experiences. In our “meeting,” which consisted of about twenty women sitting in a hotel room in Kumasi drinking box wine and Star (a beer brewed in Kumasi), the topic that kept arising was our collective experiences with men in Ghana. We discussed how the way men approach and pursue us as international students makes it more difficult for us to make legitimate friends and have meaningful conversations. Since we arrived, Ghanaian men have been approaching all of us on a daily basis and often professing their love and/or desire to marry us within a few minutes of asking us our names. The way this situation usually progresses has not changed much over the two months we have been here, but I have observed a change in my reactions to these appeals and the reactions of my fellow female international students. At the beginning of the semester, we would act surprised, laugh, and try to change the subject of the conversation (almost always unsuccessfully). Yet, as the semester continued I observed our responses getting progressively more direct. Maybe our initial responses – trying to change the subject and making excuses – make sense in the context of typical gender relations in the U.S. because men in the U.S. would usually see these responses as indicators of a lack of interest and stop trying to pursue a woman whom is responding in such a way, at least in my experience. But in Ghana when I have responded in this more indirect manner, the majority of the men I have encountered have continued expressing their “love” at first sight and asking for my phone number. Listening to the other female ISEP students talk about their many encounters with Ghanaian men, I realized that their experiences have been almost identical to my own. Even very direct responses are not all that effective for ending the romantic pursuit. When I have told Ghanaian men that I have a boyfriend, they have often responded by saying, “it can’t be very serious if you are not married yet,” “but what if he doesn’t marry you when you go back?” or a variety of similar questions and statements expressing concern over my perceived lack of commitment. These questions always freak me out a little because I see myself as too young to get married. Their questions and my responses seem to reveal a divergence in our culturally constructed ideas about romantic relationships. From my discussions with my Ghanaian friends who thankfully do not claim to be in love with me, I’ve learned that long-term, serious relationships without the promise of eminent marriage are a relatively new thing in Ghana. There seem to be few Ghanaians in committed relationships that are not defined by marriage or the promise of marriage, and the Ghanaians who are engaged in such a relationship are members of the younger generations. The differences in the way we view marriage bring up many questions about how people of different cultures form and maintain romantic relationships, while working from two different conceptions of how that relationship should ideally manifest. I think in these relationships, open, honest communication must be an important factor for mutual understanding. But there is another – more pressing – question that seemed to be on every female ISEP students’ mind at our meeting: Why do Ghanaian men show such an overwhelming interest in female international students – specifically white female international students? I’ve heard the exact words “my dream is to marry a white woman” from at least ten men since I’ve been in Ghana, and my fellow female ISEPers shared that they had heard this exact statement as well. It seems that Ghanaian men must say this to white women as a compliment and an implied invitation to start forming a relationship, but, ironically, this statement triggers a very different response in my mind. The potential friendship monitor in my mind flat lines and I start thinking of ways to end the conversation. A friendship with an individual who has expressed this dream to me seems to be doomed from the start because he has revealed that his motivations for approaching me are based on the color of my skin. The frequency of encounters with Ghanaian men like the ones I’ve described above make it difficult for me to give other Ghanaian men a chance to show me that they are genuinely interested in getting to know me as a thinking, feeling individual – not as a “white woman.” Many other white women I’ve talked to have expressed the same frustration. We get angry that these Ghanaian men are making generalizations about us based on race and not our qualities as individuals. This frustration ironically seems to result in white female international students – myself included – making generalizations about Ghanaian men and their intentions. Both sets of generalizations are unfair. When I have given Ghanaian men a chance to get to know me as more than a white woman, they have turned out to be wonderful friends but friendships like the ones I have developed with a few Ghanaian men certainly can only happen when both individuals are looking past the color of each others’ skin. October 12, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana This weekend I attended the Aburiman Annual Odwira Festival in Aburi – a town in the Eastern Region of Ghana – with a few Ghanaian friends. The festival took place in the Aburi Botanical Gardens, for which the town is noted. When Evans, Jonas, and I arrived at the festival we sat down under one of the many canopies and waited for the festivities to begin. The program we received said that the chiefs and their respective entourages would begin arriving at eleven o’clock in the morning; yet, they did not begin arriving until about noon. While we were waiting, my friend Jonas who is from the Northern Region of Ghana asked me if I had noticed anything about Ghanaians and their “habits attending events.” I immediately knew that he was prompting me to say that Ghanaians are always late, they don’t have any respect for time, or something similar. Since I have been in Ghana, many Ghanaians have told me in exasperated tones that they wish the people of Ghana were more punctual. However, in everyday life – attending classes, going to theatrical and musical events, meeting friends, etc. – I have not noticed the gaping disparity between Ghanaian and Western punctuality that many people I’ve talked to describe. In fact, many of my Ghanaian friends arrive earlier than my international friends and I to lectures. So when Jonas asked me if I had noticed anything about Ghanaians and their habits attending events, I surprised him by saying “no, not really.” “Are you sure you haven’t noticed anything about our concept of time?” he prompted. I explained to him that I had heard many Ghanaians complaining about other Ghanaians being late but truthfully I had not observed this chronic tardiness myself. Jonas said he did not believe me. I thought about this conversation as I waited for the chiefs to start arriving and parading in front of the seated crowd. Sure, in the two months I have been here, I have observed people being late to various events but not more people or to a greater extent than I would expect to see in the U.S. I have read that during colonization, Ghanaians and Westerners conceptualized time very differently, but, at least in Accra and Legon today, the more noticeable phenomenon for me has been how self-conscious Ghanaians about being on time. Could this be because they are interacting with me, a person from the U.S., and they assume I have high expectations about punctuality? Maybe they have been reminded of this fabled African lateness since childhood and now they are extremely time conscious. Either way, observing the differences in how people of various cultures conceptualize time is fascinating, and observing how people conceptualize their identities or their collective identity – as people who are late or punctual, as people who fit a cultural stereotype or defy one – is perhaps more even fascinating. October 7, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana Over the course of the past few days, I have been part of two thought-provoking conversations – one in the context of my Black Diaspora history class and another with the Ghanaian children at GCP where I have been teaching. During my history class, the professor commented that he had observed many female Caucasian international students walking with Ghanaian guys on campus recently and that he thought this was a positive development. An African American exchange student in my class immediately raised her hand, explaining that she saw the situation in a different way. She expressed that as an African American she had thought of herself as a minority throughout her life and now, in Africa, she said she felt like part of a culture that should be celebrated. She went on to say that she thought specifically, “Africans should celebrate being together with other Africans.” This statement sent many hands flying into the air, ready with a myriad of responses, ranging from accusations that this student did not support interracial marriage to one invitation from a male international student to any female Ghanaian student whom would like to “enhance the race relations further” with him. Many of the responses were from other African American exchange students echoing this first student’s sentiment of feeling at home in Africa despite the fact that many of them had never visited Africa before and knew relatively little about the culture they would encounter in Ghana before arriving. These comments made me think about how a place to which a person has no physical connections can play such a large part in shaping that person’s identity, and, in such cases, how visiting that place might be a surreal experience. It seems to me that it would be very difficult and rare for this place of ethnic heritage to fit the expectations the person has been developing, perhaps since childhood. The Ghanaian children at GCP also made me think about how people conceptualize places they have never been based on the sources of information to which they are exposed. During a short break from class, a five year old girl asked me enthusiastically, “Madame, when you go back to London, will you bring me high heels?” Then she ran away to play a clapping game, not bothering to listen to my response that I am not from London and I don’t think high heels are produced in a child’s size one and a half. Several other girls heard this child’s question and quickly voiced their requests for various fashion items. I asked them why they thought London had better shoes and clothes then Accra – which has more designer stores than I have seen in West Virginia at any rate – and they said “television.” Their response was troubling for me and I tried to explain to them that television does not present an accurate picture of life in the U.K. or the U.S., but it is difficult to compete with years of exposure to Western media. Before I arrived in Ghana, I had developed expectations based on books, internet sources, a very limited number of television shows, and the descriptions from a few people who had visited Ghana before. Some of the expectations I developed about how Ghana would look and feel have been met but many more have been contradicted and replaced by observations. October 4, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana Today I rode in a trotro (Ghanaian public transportation in the form of minivans) that said “God will revenge” on the rear windshield and in a taxi that said “Big Daddy” accompanied by a huge sticker of Jesus’ face. Affirmations of religious beliefs seem to be plastered all over Accra. From hair saloons to automotive shops, many businesses include some reference to God in their names. Religion is thrust into the lives of Ghanaians not only through visual means. Several times this week the other students of the International Students’ Hostel and I woke up to Christian ministers loudly encouraging us to “be saved” from the sidewalk outside the building, below our windows and balconies. Ghana’s population is a divided between Christianity, Islam, and African Indigenous Religions; the ways in which these religions overlap are what I find most interesting – and most contrasting when compared to my Western conceptualization of religion. In West Virginia, as a child, I thought about religion the same way I think about answer choices on a multiple choice exam: you have to pick one. In Ghana, the conceptualization is less exclusive. For example, many of the business names that reference God use the names for God in the local languages – the same names that are used for the creator spirit in African Indigenous Religions – but display Christian crosses and pictures of Jesus, seamlessly blending elements from Christianity and African Indigenous Religions. Yet, this blending of ideas is sometimes more complex. Last weekend when a few other international students and I travelled to Nzulezo, the village on stilts in the Western Region, our tour guide/canoe operator – Francis – shared his thoughts about religion with us. During the canoe ride to the village, he told us that he was a Christian and he did not approve of the African Indigenous Religions practiced in Nzulezo. He said we should not give the chief a bottle of gin– the gift that a woman in the neighboring village had suggested we bring in exchange for hearing the story of Nzulezo’s history. Francis explained that the gin would be used for libations. In other words, it would be poured into the water as a way of remembering, honoring, and communicating with the ancestors. He explained that as a Christian he felt he could have no part in this activity. When we reached Nzulezo, we learned that the chief was absent anyway so hearing the history from him was not an option. On the way back across the lagoon, Francis told us more about his religious beliefs. He claimed he had seen his deceased ancestors and that the reason he did not want any part in African Indigenous Religions was that they were very powerful and dangerous. He described how greedy people could use the practices of African Indigenous Religions to get wealthier and how he believed this was always accomplished by some malicious act. Throughout this conversation, Francis revealed his acceptance of the validity and truth of the traditional beliefs but also his rejection of this system of beliefs. He also told us about his dreams of going the U.S. in order to make more money and buy many different kinds of cars. I wondered how Francis’s interactions with his family and friends, with the people of Nzulezo, with missionaries at the local churches, and with international tourists, including myself, had all affected his perceptions of religion. Which groups of people in his life had the most powerful influence in shaping his identity as a Christian, as a Ghanaian, or simply as a person? How did the most influential groups gain influence? Perhaps subconsciously, did Francis compare religions based on the content of their doctrines and practices or on the characteristics of their believers? I considered these questions about my own life and religious beliefs as well. When we reached the shore of the lagoon and paid Francis for the guided canoe ride, he gave each of us a necklace he had made from a water lily during the return journey and also a lot to think about in terms of religion. September 27, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana Ghanaians’ perceptions of their own culture often surprise me. This weekend, like every weekend, a few other international students and I travelled out of the Greater Accra Region. On the way to Nzulezo, a village constructed in a lake on stilts, we encountered a very entertaining taxi driver. He picked us up from an isolated junction where the bus had left us just as the evening was getting dark, which apparently gave him license to charge us a high fare. We sat in the car with serious faces – disgruntled by how much we were paying and the fact that we did not have a choice in the matter since we could not predict when the next taxi would appear. As the journey to the village continued, the taxi driver, Nicholas, stopped many times to pick up more passengers. After several stops, my friend Heidi and I sat on each other in the passenger seat – our legs nestled between the seat and a huge gas can. A small, elderly woman sat on the driver’s left leg. My friend Ana sat in the backseat, tightly sandwiched between the door and three men. In the rear of the car – usually reserved for storage – two women squatted around a bowl of fish they had been selling that day. One of them had a small baby tied on her back. My eyes met Heidi’s; both of our expressions communicated, “this situation is ridiculous!” As Nicholas got back into the car, after attending to the passengers in the back, he enthusiastically said, “African taxi!” He went on, laughing throughout his speech, “African taxi! That’s right! Four people in the front! Six people in the back!” (he was not counting the baby). The whole taxi erupted in laughter as Nicholas chuckled to himself. Our disapproving faces transformed into smiles, and we laughed with him. “Only in Africa” he said, and we laughed again, not really knowing how to respond. Sure, this situation would have been deemed dangerous and irresponsible by the safety standards I am used to observing in the U.S., but we had to admit that it was funny. Nicholas’s ability to laugh at himself seemed to make everything better. He recognized that the differences in our cultures (and –more importantly – in the transportation infrastructures of our respective nations) made this situation seem strange to us. Yet, he dismissed any possible tension between our opposing expectations about how a taxi should operate with his laughter. Nicholas made me think that maybe differences are often easier to discuss with honesty and a sense of humor. September 20, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana On Thursday, I volunteered as a teaching assistant at Global Civic Preservation (GCP) – an NGO that provides education for children in Accra who cannot afford the required uniforms and fees to attend their local schools or children who have been contributing to their families’ incomes by working instead of attending school. GCP helps these children “catch-up” to the academic levels of their peers and finds financial sponsors for these children in order to help them enroll in their local schools. When I heard about this organization through the exchange program office on campus, I immediately wanted to help. When I arrived at GCP at eight a.m. on Thursday, I found myself in a much different situation than I had expected. There were no certified teachers present at the beginning of the day because the few who volunteer for GCP were all teaching morning classes at schools from which they receive pay as opposed to GCP from which they do not. I was handed a teacher’s manual, instructed to make a lesson plan for English and for mathematics, and directed to the “teen class,” which ranges in age from eight to fourteen and in ability from illiterate to what I would estimate as a fifth grade reading level in the United States. It was overwhelming. It was difficult for me to keep the attention of the twenty children because UI was inevitably boring one group of them – either because the subject matter was too advanced or too easy for their skill levels. By the time I left at two o’clock in the afternoon, my entire perception of education and of childhood was altered. At GCP, there were few books or other supplies for me to give the children, and several children described to me how they had walked over two hours at morning to get to school. On the way home, from GCP, I saw children in school uniforms as young as five or six years old riding the public transportation home unaccompanied and other children – children who had not attended school at all that day – selling plantain chips to passing traffic. Suddenly public education in the U.S. seemed so easy and so underappreciated. I wondered how governments and people in other parts of the world could create situations in which education is so difficult to obtain, and I realized how much my own perceptions of education have been shaped by the education system in the U.S. I knew it was more challenging for children in developing nations to gain access to education, but I did not really understand the contrast in education systems until now. I hope I can continue to learn from the children at GCP and maybe help them use the limited resources at GCP. September 14, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana This weekend I traveled with a few other university students out of the urban – and relatively Westernized – Greater Accra Region in Ghana to the more rural Eastern and Volta regions. Both of the places we went to – Bodi Falls in the Eastern Region and the Monkey Sanctuary in the Volta Region – were far removed from the crowds of Accra, surrounded by strikingly green rolling hills and plains, and obviously marketed as destinations for international tourists. At Bodi Falls, the Ghanaian owner of the guest house was surprised when we told him we would eat the local food – “fufuo” made from crushed cassava root – if it was less expensive than the rice he was offering to prepare for us. (We ended up eating the rice because the village where the fufuo being was offered was too far away.) His surprise about our willingness to eat the traditional Ghanaian dishes showed his perception of international tourists’ preferences, perhaps shaped by the preferences of international tourists he had encountered in the past. The Monkey Sanctuary we visited is made up of one concrete building for reception – from which the tours depart – and several other concrete buildings in which visitors can rent rooms complete with mosquito nets, while most of houses of the surrounding village are constructed using bamboo or mud for walls and grass thatching for roofs. This difference in architecture alone reveals the tour providers’ perceptions about the preferences of international tourists. During our one night stay there, we saw several other groups of tourists, all of which were from the U.S. or Europe. During our guided walk through the surrounding forest, we got to feed bananas to a few monkeys that our guide coaxed down from the trees, and he explained the concept of the Monkey Sanctuary. He described how many years ago the group of people who lived in the area and practiced a form of African Indigenous religion had designated the site as sacred, thus, restricting entry of the area to religious figures of the community. He said, as a result, the monkeys moved to this comparatively more peaceful area, and the monkeys’ presence reinforced the peoples’ beliefs about the sacred nature of the location. Of course, I found this explanation from the tour guide very interesting, but, at the same time, the way in which he described the beliefs of the local community (or perhaps more realistically the past beliefs of the local community) seemed to transform this community’s sincere ideas into a commodity for tourist consumption. I noticed he used the word “fetish” when describing the community’s religion, and according to my class on African Indigenous Religions – a course I am currently enrolled in at the University of Ghana – “fetishism” is an inaccurate and ethnocentric concept used by Westerners in the past for describing African belief systems. Given this context, I was surprised to hear our Ghanaian tour guide describe the indigenous religions in this way. Did his use of this word reveal his belief that African Indigenous religions are inferior to other religions? If so, did his interaction with American and European tourists influence this belief? Looking at a broader perspective, what are the positive and negative effects of cultural tourism on the communities who host tourists and on the tourists? September 8, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana
After being in Ghana for only a few weeks, I am amazed by how easy it is to make friends here. Whether on campus, in Accra, or in one of the small surrounding towns, I feel as if I am always meeting many smiling faces, interested in where I am from and why I am in Ghana.
A few other international students and I visited a small town called Apam last weekend. While we were walking down the street looking for somewhere to eat, we saw a funeral procession approaching. The people were dancing, clapping, and singing a seemingly cheerful song as they carried the coffin through the streets. The other international students and I stepped out of their way, but, as they passed us, the women leading the songs told us repeatedly to join the procession. We joined them, clapping and following them through the streets to a place where many chairs where arranged under several tents. The children in the procession kept asking, “Oburoni, can’t you sing?” and they were all surprised that we did not know the traditional songs. We stayed at the funeral for about an hour, talking with the people and learning about the ninety-five year old man who had died. I was surprised by the way in which this funeral was a celebration of life rather than a sad affair and even more surprised by the mourners decision to include us – four foreigners who did not know the deceased man – in the event. This is just one example of the amazing friendliness and hospitality I have experienced in the weeks since I came to Ghana.
On the campus in Legon, it is common for other students to approach me while walking to class, and by the time we have arrived at the classroom, the conversation has progressed from “What’s your name?” and “Where are you from?” to “What is your phone number?” and “When do you want to come spend the weekend at my house?” Of course, not every conversation I have had with a Ghanaian student evolved from stranger to friend at such a fast rate, but this sort of fast progression seems to be more accepted by students at the University of Ghana than by students on U.S. campuses.
At first, coming to a city where I knew no one, this very friendly environment seemed ideal. I did not have to work to make friends at all. Yet, as time passes, I find myself feeling as if these quickly formed friendships are insincere and discussing this with other international students who are having the same sort of experiences and the same awkward feelings about those experiences. Can two people really become close enough friends to exchange phone numbers and room numbers after a few minutes of conversation? Are the intentions of these eager friends insincere? Or are my culturally constructed ideas about friendship preventing me from forming valuable friendships? I still have a few months to try to figure it all out.
August 17, 2009 University of Ghana Legon, Ghana
I have been in Ghana for one week now, and I am just starting to grasp the fact that Legon is going to be my home for the next four months. During the first week, I kept drifting into the mindset that I was on vacation and would be returning home to West Virginia relatively soon. This sense of being a visitor has been reinforced for me by way Ghanaians frequently address international students as “oburonis.” Oburoni means “foreigner” in Twi, which is a dialect of the language of the Akan people of Ghana. “Oburoni!” young children often yell as I pass them on the street. “Oburoni” venders yell to get my attention, coaxing me into their stalls at one of the many markets in the city of Accra.
Classes at the University of Ghana are scheduled to begin today, but the registration process is very different from class registration at Marshall and other universities in the United States. In order to register, every University of Ghana student must go to each academic department in which he or she wants to take classes, look at the timetables of classes posted on the department bulletin boards, and sign up for classes in each department office. Some of the timetables were posted at the departments over the weekend, but others are still not posted. Earlier this morning some other international students and I were beginning to get anxious about running around to different parts of campus and trying to sign up for classes – some of which were not even scheduled yet. Ghanaian students reassured us that, although the university calendar says classes begin today, the classes usually do not take place until the following week.
A Twi phrase I have been hearing a lot this week while registering for classes – “mereko aba” – translates to “I am going and coming back” in English. People will say this when a class timetable is not ready, when the internet in the student housing is not working, or when a vendor at the market does not have the requested item. But the English translation does not really capture the attitude this phrase seems to convey in its Ghanaian context – the implication of “relax,” “chill out,” and “many potential problems will resolve themselves in time.” Although encountering this relaxed attitude – in Ghana or in the U.S. – can be frustrating sometimes, blood pressures around the world might improve with a little dose of “mereko aba.”
Rachel Huff [4th year BA student in Anthropology]
Status: Rachel was in Peru
Bio: Rachel is a fourth year student with a double major in Communications and Anthropology and a minor in Spanish. She is originally from Dillsburg, Pennsylvania and a former Marshall University women's soccer player. Rachel has travelled to Oxford University with the Yeager Scholars to take courses in 2008 and to El Salvador with the Latin American Studies Department in January 2009. From those experiences she has gained an interest in international politics and human rights issues and is specifically interested in how environmental policies and the use of natural resources relate to human rights issues. Rachel plans to graduate in 2010 and eventually continue her education in either environmental law and policy or anthropology.
In the following video clip, Rachel conveys her feelings about how her training in ethnographic methods has helped shape her experience in Peru.
December 15, 2009 Mancora, Peru Final exams have finally ended and I´ve reached my final travel destination in Perú—Mancora. A couple of friends and I took a 16 hour bus ride to get to this popular surfer´s hangout. We had originally looked for a beach that was a little less crowded and less crazy than Mancora but weren´t willing to pay for more than a cheap hostel, cancelling out a lot of the nicer beaches in Perú that are private or only have pricier resorts. After the stories most Peruvians had told me, mostly consisting of statements like, “Mancora is crazy” and what not I was expecting the beach to be something like Spring Break Cancun+surfers. The beach definitely has giant waves but unlike what I was told, it doesn´t seem to be overcrowded with people or to have a bunch of crazy bars and nightlife on it. There´s a small strip of low and middle-priced restaurants near the coast (that usually flood during high tide every afternoon) and a mixture of low budget hostels and pricier bungalows. My friends and I have been on an extremely tight budget as the semester has been winding down and have been shopping at the local markets to cook at our hostel, as opposed to eating out at restaurants. The market´s only a street with about 10 or so produce vendors (a fraction of the size of the markets in Lima) that sell fresh fruit, vegetables, and various spices and nuts. Two of our friends who´ve been here for a week already trudge us past the first vendors who shout out their products as we pass-“mangoes, piña, tomates” they ramble. We pass the vendors on the right as our friends tell us they normally have flies buzzing around their fruit, and continue past the stands on the left as my one friend Ally is still bitter about them overcharging her for the produce (the “gringo price” we like to call it). Generally, when gringos pass by most shops people up their prices. Although I´ve recently found out that outside of Lima, Limeñeans too get this special treatment of inflated prices, something they´ve expressed bitterness about. “Yo soy Peruana, también,” a friend of mine complained. I was unsure if her statement reflected a frustration that Limeñeans were not looked at as Peruvians but as outsiders or if her statement could also be interpreted as it´s ok to give “extranjeros” or non-Peruvians higher prices but against some sort of inner-circle rule to give Peruvians bad prices. Anyways, we passed all these stands until we came to the last man who offered us free samples of his mangoes, which we gladly accepted. The produce market is very different than how I normally do my grocery shopping back home, however, it also reminded me of Saturday and Sunday mornings growing up when I would visit the local farmers´ markets in central Pennsylvania. Although, instead of mangoes my Dad and I would usually pick our own strawberries and instead of the dark skinned Peruvians offering fruit samples, there were Mennonites peddling their soft pretzels. Unfortunately, the farmers´ markets in the US usually aren´t as cheap as those in Perú where we were able to buy four kilos of mangoes and two pineapples for our mixed drinks (in celebration of my birthday) for about $1.50 per person. You would probably spend that amount of money on one mango in the US. Sometimes I feel like I´m in a backwards, upside-down world in Perú where fast food like McDonald´s is more expensive than an entire meal at a local restaurant—home-cooked too. How could this possibly be? In the US fresh, organic food seems to be more of a luxury when you can always just venture over to the McDonald´s dollar menu instead. Is this because we have to import so much of this healthy food? Or that we give tax allowances for certain products and put tariffs on others? I´m not sure why there is a difference in food prices but it certainly all comes back to economics. I also think it´s evident that a healthy lifestyle is directly related to economics, which is easy to see in any statistics taken from most countries. However, I think this connection between the economic decisions within agriculture and having a healthy lifestyle is a very important topic for our generation—a generation I once saw a savvy journalist dub “Generation XL.” As obesity, diabetes, and health-related illnesses increase and the situation with health care for all Americans is becoming increasingly questionable, it seems like Americans should ask themselves what are the real problems that are affecting their health. I think a strong look at economic decisions and other cultural factors would be an important topic of an anthropologist, whose results should be important to numerous policy-makers.
December 13, 2009 Mancora, Peru Yesterday, the other American that I live with, Vanessa, and I attended a member of our host family´s wedding ceremony. The daughter of the family was getting married on a beach about an hour outside of Lima and we were all invited to attend. Although I was excited for this occasion, I was also a bit nervous. Would anyone talk to us? I mean, we really only knew the immediate family and sometimes I feel as if it´s difficult to convey my feelings and personality through the Spanish language. The wedding began on the beach with the bride thundering in on a small red jeep. First, the pastor read off the laws of marriage, followed by both of the bride and groom´s signatures, legally marrying them. Then was the religious part of the ceremony, as we took communion (but without wine…the pastor joked we would later have “cerveza” or beer instead at the reception) and sang religious songs that I was completely unfamiliar with and kind of just hummed along. The wedding was followed by the reception and was very similar to American weddings I´ve attended in the past. There was drinking, picture taking, and dancing. I was also excited to actually have people want to interact with me—relieving me of the social anxiety I had felt. At the wedding there seemed to be different age groups congregating. The older people, +40 began dancing first (after the bride and groom´s dance of course). I, on the other hand was seated with the younger crowd, a mixture of the bride´s cousins and some of the couple´s friends—the 20-30 year group. We, instead, continued our drinking for a bit longer and I ordered another maracuya sour. Later, of course we were the group who was still dancing into the early morning hours, outlasting both the kids and the older group. I remember this sort of age division in other weddings I´ve been to before, as well. Although, at that point I was still a younger kid who longed to be accepted into the older grouping of young adults that were always dancing and having a good time. This age division doesn´t seem to be intentionally done, more of an assumption of who´d you´d be more comfortable with. It seems strange to me how these age groups seem so international, like every culture separates themselves. Why do people do this? And what purpose does it serve?
December 6, 2009 Jesús María Lima, Peru As finals are winding down and our time in Perú is coming to a close, traveling seems to becoming more important—making sure you got to see everything you´ve wanted to see and trying to fit in as much as possible. Therefore, my American friend and I have just taken a week long break to travel to Arequipa in between some oddly scheduled exams. Arequipa´s about a 15 hour bus ride from Lima, although luckily Perú has an array of bus companies traveling through the night for fairly cheap prices. In fact, the nicest bus company, Cruz del Sur, which also doesn´t make uncertified stops for people along the way, which poses a safety problem, usually offers a complementary dinner and breakfast, as well as bingo and movies! Traveling in Perú is a lot nicer and cheaper than my previous travels through Europe. One of the things we did in Arequipa was to visit the Santa Catalina Monasterio, an old but still operating convent from the 16th century. The convent was really a village within Arequipa filled with various streets, buildings and fountains where nuns used to live a clandestine life. As we wandered through the buildings we saw old clay stoves, living spaces and hundreds of religious paintings. In fact, one room was filled entirely with paintings of dead nuns, painted peacefully in their death. Other paintings were devoted to the Creation and pictured God as an elderly grey-bearded man creating Adam and Eve, while yet the last room was devoted to Santa Rosa, a particularly prevalent saint in Perú. In this room there were separate paintings telling the story of her life-- her as a child, her being a devout nun which apparently means physically disciplining yourself using barbed wire, her performing miracles and curing the sick. I enjoyed thinking of the purpose of the murals. Possibly to show others how to live like her, disciplining herself and being devout, or perhaps simply a story to entertain, or it could be a testament to her miracles (a necessary component for the Vatican´s approval of sainthood). The paintings also reminded me of other Peruvian art we´ve seen in museums, like the thousands of pieces of pottery that the Moche, Nazca, Wari, Chimu, and Inca cultures created to depict every facet of daily life. When looking at objects created, things that we would describe as “art” I feel as if it´s important to remember that all art was meant to be viewed and attempts to convey messages to its viewer, possibly to persuade the viewer of an opinion of to convey a feeling or emotion. But what is the artist trying to convey? And, if we think of it as a form of communication, you´d have to recognize that it is also the viewer that decides and interprets the meaning of the message. Therefore, my interpretation that the murals for Santa Rosa focusing on her miracles may be a message to others that politically petition for her sainthood may be completely different than the nuns who viewed those paintings hundreds of years ago which is different than the other tourists who view the paintings now. Arequipa, la ciudad blanca, they call it for all the white buildings made out of sillar, a white volcanic ash produced from all the nearby volcanoes, also offers an array of trekking and outdoor adventure sports. So, after checking out the convent, my friend and I decided to take a three day trek into Colca Canyon, the largest canyon in the world. Beginning our journey at 3am we passed highlands filled with alpacas and llamas as our van continued to climb into the altitude. Higher and higher we climbed until my friend, Susan looked over at me and began mumbling anxiously about needing a plastic bag. Altitude sickness and possibly a bit of motion sickness from the rocky, curvy road had finally set in for my friend, forcing the minivan (that held other trekkers) to pull over to the side of the road. After Susan reboarded the bus after her little “break” our tour guide Jessica poured agua Florentine, a flowery perfume over Susan´s hands and forehead, telling her it would help with her stomach problems and the altitude. After leaving the bus, we hiked about three hours the first day to a local village half way down the canyon where we were staying. On the trek Jessica pulled some leaves off a tree, saying they worked as natural insect repellant, although it was later discovered that both the leaves and the 80% deet that I was wearing was nothing against the insects that had attacked us, leaving a number of bumps and welts up my legs and back. I have to say though, I was impressed with all the herbal knowledge that our guide seemed to have. She was a Peruvian, probably in her mid 20´s who wore pink Timberland boots, spoke perfect English and had Pit Bull´s new song as her ringtone. Yet, as we were hiking she would show us poisonous plants, the red dye from the cactuses used on alpaca wool, and various rituals and offerings that the locals would still give to Pachamama, the earth mother deity. Other Peruvians too, have impressed me in the past, offering me various remedies to cure my incessant allergies. Half a limon, a tablespoon of salt and boiling water was supposedly all I needed to sleep soundly at night with my allergies. I found it interesting that these “modern people” had all this knowledge of herbal medicine, while I usually rely on all the pills that are marketed to my doctors. Do all these herbal medicines work? I have no idea-- the bug repellant certainly didn´t. Although, I wonder how these people have managed to remember these treatments all these years while still utilizing western medicine at the same time. Will local and traditional treatments slowly be forgotten as more villagers migrate to cities and away from these landscapes and lifestyles? And what happens when the government steps in and decides local remedies are not permissible? The eradication of coca leaves has been a huge political issue in the past, as many foreign governments consider the coca leaf a drug (processed with chemicals it becomes cocaine). While Andean people have used coca leaves as a tea, a cure for altitude sickness, and as a depressant for hunger for centuries. In this case, what role does policy making play in transforming traditions and medicinal knowledge? I would imagine both national, as well as international policy (and maybe even pharmaceutical companies) have made an impact on which medicinal and herbal practices are sustained. November 19, 2009 Jesús María Warm, sunny weather is finally starting to arrive in Lima as we head further into spring time. So, to enjoy the good weather I decided to take a walk around el Bosque de Olivos today (a large park in San Isidro with an array of olive trees and a variety of birds. Here, I´ve seen the types of people I usually see at other parks—people with their dogs, kids playing and of course a lot of Limeñean lovers. However, after a short stroll I also noticed another group of individuals I don´t always see—the elderly. I seemed to pass at least six or seven individuals in wheelchairs being taken care of by women in white outfits (similar to a nurse´s uniform). It seems to me there must be a nursing home nearby, as the relationship between the individuals didn´t seem to be that of family but rather one of caretakers. This surprised me quite a bit because up until now I´ve never heard of the elderly going to retirement or nursing homes. In general, most of the elderly are taken care of by their children, something I found very different from the US. Although homes in the US can be quite diverse, especially with the high divorce rate, I believe there´s still a tradition of housing only a nuclear family together. In Lima, this is a very different concept. It´s not unusual for grandparents to live with kids and grandkids and for young people to stay at their parent´s homes into their late 20´s and 30´s. For example, one of our professors who has two children of her own, recently moved back in with her parents while her husband is currently in a different country working. She now lives with her two children, her parents, and her brothers and sisters. Family connections seem like such an ordinary thing, it´s hard to think of them differently, because “that´s just the way things are.” Of course, you live with your nuclear family and then you move away for college and when you have your family you live with only them. But, in reality there´s a million different ways we could be housed together. November 17, 2009 Jesús María One of the problems I’ve run into in Anyways, we reached El Augustino, a district past So, we didn’t take a detour at the market; however,
Kermese was certainly enough excitement for me.
Here you could buy one sol tickets for carnival games—basketball,
a roulette wheel, and games where you had to throw a ball through a
mouth of a creature that was painted onto a board.
Although these games sound exactly like the ones we have in the After the games, Dora, our friend, took us over to
the food stand where her mom and other women from the church were
serving meals for approximately 1$.
Ceviche con camote, choclo y cancha was the most popular dish (a
Peruvian specialty consisting of raw fish in limon juice with sweet
potatoes and corn). Though,
I happened to prefer the dessert—one of my favorites, picarones (a mix
between a donut and funnel cake).
Even though the food was slightly different than that of the While we enjoyed our delicious and cheap food we listened to a variety of Criolla and American rock music that was being performed by a band that was playing in front of the banner reading, “Salud para los más pobres.” This Kermese, I found out, was both to raise money for the poorest individuals in their community, as well as to have a festival for them where they could eat well, enjoy themselves, and win useful prizes…like soap. After the festival Dora took us for a little tour
of El Agustino and we ended up walking past the church, ascending a
large hill with unfinished brick homes built on a dirt road.
“Sube, sube, sube,” we joked as we went up the hill mimicking the
cobradors (the men who take the money as you climb into a combi).
Walking the dusty, dirty road was a sharp change from the grassy
areas of Jesús María and a reminder of At the top of the hill were homes made out of thin
wood. These were provisional
homes where people had most likely squatted on land but had not yet been
there long enough to legally claim it or to build a brick home on the
land yet. This is very
common in the outlying areas of From the top of the hill you could see all of
November 4, 2009 Jesús María Lima, Perú This past weekend was filled with a variety of national, local and international holidays. First, the end of October marked the final day of the enormous procession in Lima known as Señor de los Milagros, or the Lord of Miracles. A few other American students and I were lucky enough to be there the final day of the procession, Sunday, when hordes of Limeñeans hoisted the large adobe painting of Christ onto their shoulders and paraded the heavy, gold and silver framed picture around downtown Lima, eventually returning it to a small cathedral. The Christ is said to have been painted on an adobe wall by a former slave and has miraculously survived church-toppling earthquakes, as well as other effects of mother nature that would have likely destroyed a 16th century painting by now. Therefore, some of the most devout Catholics devote the entire month to this procession, wearing purple button up dresses or robes and Christ pendants while asking for miracles. The lead-up to this procession was very interesting to me, because I had no idea it was going on until I noticed a note from my “Peruvian brother” (from the family I’m staying with) that we has going to Sr. de los Milagros in the morning. I had never heard of this and thought that it was strange that I could live in a city and still be so unaware of these large processions. Strangely enough, I did notice some changes in my everyday life—there were quite a few older women who all wore the same purple dresses, nuns I assumed…maybe from an unusual order, there were also little purple flags hanging around certain restaurants, but nothing too much out of the ordinary. No one ever mentioned it before and I wasn’t aware of anyone who was attending it, until my house brother and another group of philosophy students at the Jesuit university that I attend were required to go for class. I think this also says something about the procession and about religion in Peru. Although, there were all types of people at the procession, various classes and races of people, I think the lack of discussion about it amongst the younger group I’m around may denote a sense of secularism in their society that may not be so apparent to many who view Peru as overwhelmingly Catholic. In fact, many of the friends I’ve made claim to not be religious at all or not to attend mass, which is slightly ironic, considering I’m attending a Jesuit university. Others, including a member of the family in the home I’m staying at have expressed their disinterest in the church and their frustration with the political involvement and conservative teachings of the Opus Dei sect which has become more prevalent in Lima after Juan Luis Cipriani Thorne, an Opus Dei priest was named Archbishop of Lima The differences in religious opinions and traditions amongst Limeñeans were evident in how people celebrated this past weekend. Some chose to attend the Sr. de los Milagros procession on Sunday, while others visited the cemeteries of their loved ones for Día de los Muertos, giving them offerings of food and flowers. Saturday was also a dual-holiday: Halloween and Día de la Canción Criolla. The first of which, Halloween, has been imported by the United States and has only taken hold in about the last 20 years or so. In all the supermarkets there were sections for Halloween candy and later in the night I saw little kids dressed up, running around our apartment complex carrying bags of candy. However, supposedly because of the importation and growing popularity of Halloween, there has been a debate amongst Peruvians about which holiday to celebrate, with those favoring nationalism also favoring the promotion of Día de la Canción Criolla. Criolla is a term for early settlers who arrived from Spain to Peru, although the holiday—“Day of the Criolla Song” actually encompasses all varieties of traditional Peruvian music, including Afro-Peruvian and traditional Andean music. This holiday is usually celebrated with parties or open displays of music and dancing, and in fact, many Peruvians celebrate both Halloween and la Canción Criolla. This wide variety of celebrations has certainly been capitalized upon by the various Peruvian vendors. Along with a group of students and our program director, I headed downtown this past Friday to Lima’s central market to pick up some Halloween games and decorations for a party we were throwing for the kids at Posada de Belén, the boys home that we volunteer with. Once there I was somewhat overwhelmed by the immenseness of the downtown area and Barrio Chino (Chinatown), as well as the variety of things you could purchase. The only comparison I can even make is to that of a Super Wal-Mart divided into a million little stores that all specialize in one item. A store for blenders, located next to another store for wrenches and tools, next to a stand selling any type of music you could imagine. And having gone to the central market right in the middle of the holiday season there were even more items to consider. Millions of children’s costumes like Spiderman and Minnie Mouse cluttered the streets, while purple flags, rosaries, and paintings of the Christ were being sold by walking vendors. And, if that wasn’t enough, I even spotted a couple stores dedicated to early Christmas consumption— stuffed snowmen, Santa figurines, and ornaments. Being in such an exciting but overwhelming environment was exhausting andmade me realize how much people really do consume during the holidays. It’s funny, I’ve always heard the joke in the US that holidays were invented by Hallmark. I don’t really think this bares much truth, although I have to say the way people produce and consume things in relation to holidays is really astounding when you think about it. Early in August, after arriving in Lima, I began searching for a group of individuals to play soccer with. I was excited for the opportunity to play soccer in a country that generates a level of enthusiasm for the sport that seems unmatched in the US and also to play in an environment that was less demanding than the college level of soccer that I had been participating in. Unfortunately, it seems all of my attempts at finding a team fell through. The Universidad Antonio Ruiz de Montoya, where I take classes at is a small university without sport teams; however, the director of our program suggested I try joining the women’s fútbol team at Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, a nearby university that is much larger. Although I was told there was a women’s fútbol team, the only information I could find was that for a gym class and another for a women’s futsal team…a form of soccer played with less people. I found it interesting that when I talked to one of the teachers of the gym class, she told me that most of the female participants were “extranjeras” or foreigners (exchange students). Slightly disappointed about the lack of options for female soccer players here, I became even more envious as I walked past Católica’s large soccer field, filled with all males playing amongst each other. Even now, two months later I have yet to see females playing soccer either with a league or just for fun. Everyday I run along the coast, where there are a number of short sided fields for fútbol. One after another I pass the fields and cement areas where older men and younger boys play fútbol together. They vary in many ways—age, clothing, ability level…but never in gender. I have yet to see a single female let alone a group of them playing at these public fields in the districts of Miraflores and San Isidro, both two of the wealthiest districts in Lima. Why is that? I suppose it’s possible, although incredibly unlikely that there are some hidden fields for women to play fútbol at somewhere. It could be a class thing…although even when I travel to the poorer areas in Callao, to volunteer, I still only see men playing pick-up in the streets. Having discussed gender with many Peruvians before, answers from men and women are generally all the same— Perú is a “machista” society, they’ll tell you. In fact, I hear the term “machista” so often I’m beginning to think they were taught this in grade school or something. However, it’s very rare anyone ever actually explains this term to me, maybe indicating that it’s one of those “loaded words” that carries a lot of emotions and strong reactions, while also indicating an ambiguity of meaning. Anyways, the use of the term “machista” is interesting because it also indicates that Peruvians think or assume that their culture is male dominated or chauvinist in some way. By recognizing the male dominance in society is it somehow excused as a cultural phenomenon or something? Or perhaps this recognition is a step in overcoming some form of injustice to women? Or on the other hand the term could actually glorify male dominance. “Do you feel oppressed here?” one of my male Peruvian friends asked me, after taking some time to translate his thoughts into English. Oppressed…I almost laughed. Oppressed seemed like such a strong word to use; there’s no laws here that I know of dictating my activities because I’m a woman and I virtually act and dress in the same manner that I would back in the United States. “No,” I decided. “I don’t feel oppressed, although I wish men wouldn’t make the ‘kissy face’ at me when I walk down the street and I also wish soccer was more available for women.” Why did the idea of me being oppressed seem so comical? I suppose it’s because I virtually act and am allowed to act in the same manner in Perú that I do in the US. And we all know the US isn’t “machista,” right? I mean I can play soccer there freely and I only get “cat-called” every once in awhile when walking or running down a road. Hmm…I can play soccer, which is arguably even more popular for girls than for boys in the US; however, it would be stranger for me to play American football and possibly even more difficult for me to participate in wrestling. Why is it that we consider these “male sports”? Why does Perú consider fútbol a “male sport”? Clearly, these are just cultural differences that designate what is and is not appropriate for males and females to participate in. However, I find it interesting that in Perú these differences are considered to be “machista” while in the US, similar differences are just considered normal. Even after reflecting on these similarities I find it difficult not to view Perú as being more “machista” than the US. For example, the other day I was immediately offended as our Peruivan friend Christian chose to talk past me, asking instead Mark, another American exchange student questions about American soccer. Immediately I felt like yelling at him, “I play for my university! I know more than he does! You’re not talking to me because I’m a girl and you’re machista!” Although I feel like my feelings were somewhat validated, I could never imagine getting that upset when a male friend in the US ignores my opinions about boxing or another “male sport”…in fact I could never imagine actually having an opinion about most of these sports. It’s very interesting to me how in anthropology I am trying to study other group’s cultures while I continue to find that I am still so unaware of my own. Recognizing that many interests and opportunities are based on cultural guidelines about gender is something that maybe like Peruvians, we Americans should become more aware of. And like the US maybe Peruvian women should try to play more soccer…at least for my own benefit, that is. Along with that, I am excited to share that in the upcoming weekend a group of Peruvian girls at my university have finally decided to organize a pick-up game of fútbol. “Sólo chicas,” they say…indicating, at least to me, a subtle rebellion against the exclusivity of the nation’s most popular “machista” sport.
November 3, 2009 Jesús María Lima, Perú Today I had to go to the post office in Central Lima to pick up a package that was sent to me. Normally packages arrive at the apartment where I live and then I just have to sign for them; however, because I was absent when the delivery man came I received a note with information about where to go to pick up the package and whom to call. Arriving at the post office for deliveries wasn’t terribly difficult. I retraced a couple of streets while trying to find the correct building on Cuadra 12 on Arequipa, walking by various Peruvians who would call out English phrases after me, “Hello!, Hi Miss, Oh my God…etc.” This usually happens in Lima, at least outside of the touristy areas where outsiders are more uncommon. I can’t help but feel as if their English phrases are mocking me, denoting me as an outsider and someone to be made fun of; however, I think many times people are actually just trying to practice their English and show off their awareness of the language, maybe like a status symbol of sorts. Anyways, I eventually arrived at the post office where there was an overwhelming amount of people waiting in various lines for various things. Unfamiliar with all of the surroundings and with some of the Spanish vocabulary concerning post offices, I decided to ask a man working if I was in the correct line if I wanted to receive a package. After he assured me that I was I relaxed enough to notice numbers directing people through the process of picking up a package… “ughhh I have to wait through nine windows, really?” The second window was a little bit more complicated than the first as the lady kept saying something about a photocopy. “No, no tengo un fotocopia de mi pasaporte” I replied. Again, she responded, “fotocopia.” After a while of this confusion and of my only comprehension being that I needed a photocopy of my passport but I didn’t have one, a man behind me asked me if I spoke English and continued to clarify that I would have to go next door to make a photocopy. Ahh…finally, clarification. I couldn’t help but think that had the situation been reversed and a Peruvian in the United States was being misunderstood because of their lack of English, our response wouldn’t have been so friendly. “Learn English before coming to America!” someone would have been certain to say, relating to the ongoing discussion and emotionally charged debate about language in the United States. Not having studied Spanish in depth throughout school and currently studying and living in a Spanish speaking country has been an incredibly eye-opening experience for me regarding language. Everyday there’s confusion—people cannot understand my accent, or stressing the wrong syllable of a word confuses the bus drivers about which stop I will be getting off at, or like at the post office, I fail to comprehend a single word, resulting in mass confusion. These are issues I’ve never considered before, having lived in an area that is overwhelmingly monolinguistic. But how does this affect people who visit or migrate to areas where only one language is spoken? There are difficulties in everyday activities like using public transportation, going to the post office and sometimes more important activities like having to go to the hospital. To this extent, language censors who is and who isn’t allowed to participate in public life. And in the case of Perú, especially historically speaking, often times many citizens are prevented from taking full advantage of public services— particularly indigenous populations speaking Quechua, Aymara, or Ashaninka or any of the other hundreds of languages spoken here. How are you supposed to request a new road or public sanitation for your community if you and your community can’t communicate with the politicians that can provide these services? In the same way, I would imagine that the domination of English in the United States also discriminates against some citizens who are not able to participate in the public realm with ease. What public services are these people prevented from utilizing?
October 18, 2009 Jesús María Lima, Perú Early in August, after arriving in Lima, I began searching for a group of individuals to play soccer with. I was excited for the opportunity to play soccer in a country that generates a level of enthusiasm for the sport that seems unmatched in the US and also to play in an environment that was less demanding than the college level of soccer that I had been participating in. Unfortunately, it seems all of my attempts at finding a team fell through. The Universidad Antonio Ruiz de Montoya, where I take classes at is a small university without sport teams; however, the director of our program suggested I try joining the women’s fútbol team at Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, a nearby university that is much larger. Although I was told there was a women’s fútbol team, the only information I could find was that for a gym class and another for a women’s futsal team…a form of soccer played with less people. I found it interesting that when I talked to one of the teachers of the gym class, she told me that most of the female participants were “extranjeras” or foreigners (exchange students). Slightly disappointed about the lack of options for female soccer players here, I became even more envious as I walked past Católica’s large soccer field, filled with all males playing amongst each other. Even now, two months later I have yet to see females playing soccer either with a league or just for fun. Everyday I run along the coast, where there are a number of short sided fields for fútbol. One after another I pass the fields and cement areas where older men and younger boys play fútbol together. They vary in many ways—age, clothing, ability level…but never in gender. I have yet to see a single female let alone a group of them playing at these public fields in the districts of Miraflores and San Isidro, both two of the wealthiest districts in Lima. Why is that? I suppose it’s possible, although incredibly unlikely that there are some hidden fields for women to play fútbol at somewhere. It could be a class thing…although even when I travel to the poorer areas in Callao, to volunteer, I still only see men playing pick-up in the streets. Having discussed gender with many Peruvians before, answers from men and women are generally all the same— Perú is a “machista” society, they’ll tell you. In fact, I hear the term “machista” so often I’m beginning to think they were taught this in grade school or something. However, it’s very rare anyone ever actually explains this term to me, maybe indicating that it’s one of those “loaded words” that carries a lot of emotions and strong reactions, while also indicating an ambiguity of meaning. Anyways, the use of the term “machista” is interesting because it also indicates that Peruvians think or assume that their culture is male dominated or chauvinist in some way. By recognizing the male dominance in society is it somehow excused as a cultural phenomenon or something? Or perhaps this recognition is a step in overcoming some form of injustice to women? Or on the other hand the term could actually glorify male dominance. “Do you feel oppressed here?” one of my male Peruvian friends asked me, after taking some time to translate his thoughts into English. Oppressed…I almost laughed. Oppressed seemed like such a strong word to use; there’s no laws here that I know of dictating my activities because I’m a woman and I virtually act and dress in the same manner that I would back in the United States. “No,” I decided. “I don’t feel oppressed, although I wish men wouldn’t make the ‘kissy face’ at me when I walk down the street and I also wish soccer was more available for women.” Why did the idea of me being oppressed seem so comical? I suppose it’s because I virtually act and am allowed to act in the same manner in Perú that I do in the US. And we all know the US isn’t “machista,” right? I mean I can play soccer there freely and I only get “cat-called” every once in awhile when walking or running down a road. Hmm…I can play soccer, which is arguably even more popular for girls than for boys in the US; however, it would be stranger for me to play American football and possibly even more difficult for me to participate in wrestling. Why is it that we consider these “male sports”? Why does Perú consider fútbol a “male sport”? Clearly, these are just cultural differences that designate what is and is not appropriate for males and females to participate in. However, I find it interesting that in Perú these differences are considered to be “machista” while in the US, similar differences are just considered normal. Even after reflecting on these similarities I find it difficult not to view Perú as being more “machista” than the US. For example, the other day I was immediately offended as our Peruivan friend Christian chose to talk past me, asking instead Mark, another American exchange student questions about American soccer. Immediately I felt like yelling at him, “I play for my university! I know more than he does! You’re not talking to me because I’m a girl and you’re machista!” Although I feel like my feelings were somewhat validated, I could never imagine getting that upset when a male friend in the US ignores my opinions about boxing or another “male sport”…in fact I could never imagine actually having an opinion about most of these sports. It’s very interesting to me how in anthropology I am trying to study other group’s cultures while I continue to find that I am still so unaware of my own. Recognizing that many interests and opportunities are based on cultural guidelines about gender is something that maybe like Peruvians, we Americans should become more aware of. And like the US maybe Peruvian women should try to play more soccer…at least for my own benefit, that is. Along with that, I am excited to share that in the upcoming weekend a group of Peruvian girls at my university have finally decided to organize a pick-up game of fútbol. “Sólo chicas,” they say…indicating, at least to me, a subtle rebellion against the exclusivity of the nation’s most popular “machista” sport.
October 16, 2009 Jesús María Lima, Perú One of the seven wonders of the world and a sacred site of the Incan Empire, Machu Picchu is by far Peru’s largest tourist attraction and one of South America’s most popular spots. It’s also a site I’ve wanted to visit for most of my life, although in the weeks leading up to my trip I have to say I was somewhat nervous about finally seeing this “magical place” and realizing that it may not measure up to the image I had of it. It is interesting how people form these images about places—of course I would assume most of the images about Peru are probably heavily shaped by tourist propaganda; however, there’s many other avenues people in which people form these emotional connections to places they’ve never been. In my mind, Machu Picchu and Cusco, the major city of the Incas should be set majestically in the Andes with native Andean people still living their traditional agricultural life and guiding llamas through narrow mountain paths. This, of course, was not exactly how it was, although the locals certainly made an effort to give tourists this image or at the very least, the pictures they wanted. When we arrived in Cusco we were met at the airport by an employee from our hostel who took us to the main square of Cusco where our hostel was located. I was thrilled with the colonial architecture of the city and to see that a festival was already going on. Traditional dancers, silly masks and costumes, statues of saints and the Virgin Mary being hoisted above people’s shoulder’s at the parade. Curious about the meaning behind the festival, I asked the guy from the hostel of its importance. After a slight chuckle he suggested that there’s always a festival every week or so…for the tourists of course. Later in the day we were also able to see another young group of dancers twirling and skipping in the plaza dressed in their brightly woven costumes. All over the city of Cusco you could find these images of Andean people practicing traditional dances and wearing clothing form the time of the Incan empire. Even older women and children would be dressed in their woven cloths, holding baby llamas and yelling in English, “Picture! You want a picture senorita?”…pictures were only a few soles, of course. I found all of these “traditional” things very interesting as they were a mix of traditions from colonial and pre-colonial times…but they certainly weren’t an accurate representation of what Cusquenan people were like now. In fact, it seemed like the only reason any of these traditions were practiced were for the purpose of tourism. Traditional shamans were now on every block in Cusco and festivals that were previously practiced maybe 2 or 3 times a year were now being performed nearly every month. All this aside, I don’t necessarily think tourism should be viewed as having had a negative impact on Cusco and its culture—only that it has changed it. Sure, it wasn’t exactly what I had imagined in some aspects: getting hassled to buy something every five seconds and realizing that the people dressed in traditional Andean clothing were dressed up like that so you would give them money and probably went home and put on a t-shirt and a pair of jeans as soon as they left the plaza. However, this tourist mecca, the “new” Cusco was equally if not more interesting to me than the idea of the Ancient Incan Cusco. After passing through Cusco, my friends and I arrived at the bus station at the base of Machu Picchu at 4am so we could be amongst the 400 people permitted to climb Huayna Picchu (the tallest mountain in the back of most of the pictures of Machu Picchu). Already at 4am, there was a crowd of backpackers forming a line from the bus stop, everyone waiting for the first buses to leave at 5:30am. It was astonishing to hear the myriad of languages being spoken—Hebrew, Mandarin Chinese, French, German, and many others. The diversity of people prompted us to pass the time with a game we decided to call “Guess their country.” Despite the differences of nationalities, it was interesting to see how this group, including us, formed this sub-culture of travelers that shared striking similarities. From the matching outdoor gear— North Face and Marmot jackets and backpacks to the little baggies of fruit, granola bars, and coca leaves (chewed on for altitude sickness) this group of travelers had more in common than just merely being in the same place; but why this place? What were their motives for coming here? What other places have they’ve been? What other similarities does this group possess? It would be very strange to study a group of people that you yourself belong to, although I think following around a cluster of backpackers would make for an incredibly interesting ethnography and may have to be my next adventure.
October 02, 2009 Jesús María Lima, Perú “¡Bolivar! ¡Bolivar, Todos Bolivar, San Marco Católica!” the bus workers yell out in a manner similar to an auctioneer. The arrival of bus “40” makes me quicken my paces across the street towards the bus as I’ve come to realize that there’s only two 40’s running. Unfortunately something I learned the hard way was that arriving 20 seconds later sometimes means arriving to school 20 minutes later. At least when I’m late I don’t usually get too much grief from my professors, considering everyone in Lima runs on “Peruvian time”…or at least that’s what the other American students and I joke. Every weekday I take Lima’s vast and confusing bus system to school and back. I always wait on the same corner at Huiracocha and tip my hand in the same downward motion when I see bus “40” go by—it’s a motion similar to patting something, a motion I naturally started doing after seeing other Peruvian women making the same gesture over and over. After being here for two months I’ve come to realize the reliability and safety of Lima’s bus system (or the safety at least in the areas I travel to). The buses roughly run around the same time everyday only without a time schedule or a map—making the system a nightmare for visitors, or people who hate waiting, or people who like to be on time (which would probably include a vast majority of Americans…”time is money,” right?) The perceived safety of transportation is something that has drastically changed in my mind after these two months. Most of the taxis here don’t work with a company, don’t look like a taxi, and are often just cars with a taxi sign and a driver who flashes his lights at you. (My mom would probably kill me if she ever knew I took them.) The buses vary in their styles but from my perspective it doesn’t look like any of them would pass a safety or an emissions test in the United States. The bus I take to Miraflores, a popular downtown area with bars and restaurants, looks exactly like an old American school bus painted red. Although there are some larger buses like these, Lima’s also well known for their “combis” a local term for a minivan that transports around 8-12 passengers. There’s even a popular game on facebook called “crazy combi” in which combis zoom around traffic disobeying road laws and is frighteningly closer to the truth than a game. It seems that road laws are more of a suggestion…red lights, stop signs, speed limits, only something to follow every once in awhile. But besides the initial fright of a 12 combi pile up and of being perpetually late and lost to everything, there are many things about the bus system I have come to love or at the very least accept. Talented musicians, a lone comic whose act was to mock the only “gringa” on the bus—me, and a never-ending amount of venders selling everything imaginable are just some of the people I have come in contact with. These people however, are of a special nature, they don’t “ride” the bus exactly, nor do they pay for it. These are the people who jump on at one bus stop only to get off at the next. Every time they begin they’re transactions in the same sequence: first, it’s a speech at the front of the bus. Some discuss how they’re working so they can provide for their family, mention a diseased relative or an injury that’s making their livelihood difficult. After this the vendors expand upon their product—a delicious chocolate for only 50 céntimos, a pen that has a pull-out map, and surprisingly enough sewing needles are amongst the most popular items. If you are a musician you will begin to play—usually with a small guitar, sometimes with a pan pipe or harmonicas, and there’s always a few who just sing along while drumming on a box with their hands. After the musicians play and the vendors, who vary in age from pre-adolescent children to very elderly men and women, give their sales pitch, they’ll walk the aisles of the bus waiting for donations. There’s never any begging involved, although I can’t recall a time when a musician or a vendor left completely empty-handed. In fact, I was even told by a friend that often times people can make minimum wage from their work on the buses. I, myself have a system for giving money. Generally I buy candy, an act stemming from my sweet tooth and I will also give money to musicians as I enjoy the atmosphere. But why is giving money here so different than elsewhere? When I was in London there were even signs requesting that you don’t give money to individuals asking for it, and instead donate to charities. Even in the US I often refuse people, as I feel many others do, assuming that your handout may end up going towards an addiction. But here it’s different, Peruvians give money to others frequently, possibly even daily. Is it because the poverty here is so much worse? Maybe that has something to do with it, although I was also intrigued by a statement by a Peruvian friend who has also lived abroad in the US. Her opinion was that many Peruvians give money to others because they can identify with them. I was also intrigued by her second comment implying that being poor in the US was far worse than being poor here. How could that be—certainly not materialistically? As she continued to discuss how awful it must be to grow up without money in a culture where money reveals everything: your status, your work ethic, your competence level etc. I have to admit, she had an interesting point: Is it possibly more emotionally damaging to have off-brand Nikes in the US than it is to lack any shoes in a poorer country? I have no idea, but it certainly brings up questions about what it means to live in poverty and how people view the term poor. September 28, 2009 Universidad Antonio Ruiz de Montoya This
past weekend I was able to travel to In For the
most part I found this curiosity endearing and even flattering at times.
We were lucky enough to go to Trujillo during the opening of the Festival
de Primavera (or Spring Festival) and at night made our way to a stage at the
Plaza de las Armas where there was a band playing a variety of English and
Spanish cover songs to a large and rambunctious crowd.
After mingling in the crowd for a bit we realized that the female singer
was calling the females in our group to dance on stage with everyone.
I´m not sure if it was the flattery of being called out in a crowd or the
loosening of insecurities after a couple beers but the five of us made our way
to the stage where the band introduced us to the crowd along with the joke in
Spanish that more or less translates to, “they don´t know why they dance, but
they dance.” After our dancing debut
we were interviewed by a local news station where we sputtered into a microphone
how much we love September 22, 2009 I´m
sitting at my favourite park right now-the one located on the coast in the
district of San Isidro. I generally run
here everyday as it´s located only about a mile or so from where I live in Jesùs
Maria. I´ve come to love running
here as there´s always so much going on—older women practicing tai-chi in the
mornings, athletes cycling on the paths, and plenty of people walking their
dogs, which are all adorned in some type of little dog sweater with accessories.
Then there´s the people that take advantage of the coastal winds—people
flying kites, others manoeuvring battery operated model airplanes, and every
weekend there´s the paragliders who sometimes swoop so close to you, you flinch
in fear of getting kicked. Right
now though I don´t seem to be noticing any of those things, in fact all of my
attention is focused on a different type of bustle, the bustle that the
scattered couples are making.
They´re all Peruvian couples, mostly teenagers and young adults, although some
may be in their 30´s or 40´s. Right
now, they´re taking all the good grassy areas that look out over the sea, in
turn, forcing me to a bench where I have to strain my neck to see the waves.
I suppose most Peruvians, maybe even other couples may not be so
concerned about getting closer to couples intimately making out, but I am…and I
can´t manage to go within about September 19, 2009 “White Cholo” I’ve always been interested in how “race” and ethnicity
relate to class and in Peru it’s a specifically interesting, yet complex issue.
I’ve been living in Although I’ve come to interpret “Gringa” as a fairly
harmless term, it seems that other terms and cultural structures have a more
discriminatory effect. For example,
I have often been told rumors by various professors and the family that I am
living with about places (restaurants, bars, etc.) that won’t let “Cholos” or
darker skinned people in. The term “Cholo”
is an even more complicated term for me to understand as I have preconceived
notions about what it is to be a “Cholo.”
In Last night, after watching a couple of YouTube videos with some of my new Peruvian friends I was excited to put on a popular club song that I knew from the US: “Lean like a Cholo.” As my two friends watched intently while laughing, I began to press them for opinions on what a “Cholo” actually was. Most of the explanation was done with hand motions gesturing to the face and talking about darker features (which I’m assuming relates to the appearance of someone with native Peruvian blood…looking like they’re from the Sierra). However, I was surprised when Rodrigo began talking about “Cholo” customs and beliefs and how not everyone with those physical features is considered a “Cholo,” saying: we have friends who look like that but they come from “good families” and they are not “Cholos.” Hmm, perhaps “Cholo” isn’t just a racial term then…but how does one act like a “Cholo”? It was when Rodrigo began to discuss a “White Cholo” that I began to better understand his (and perhaps other Peruvian’s that have a similar social status) classification of “Cholos.” Uneducated and with certain superstitions, he suggested. Asking if it was similar to the American term of “white trash” or being poor, I received a nod of the head in affirmation. Although I find this system of organizing people based on their amount of wealth and the customs that come with it distasteful, is that really so different than what we do in the US? White trash: poor, rural, uneducated. Does it have anything to do with being White? Possibly, but more of a derogatory term based more on economic status and customs than on racial ones. It seems that our generation is not as inclined to see differences between “races” as we are between social classes which may be the reason why terms previously denoting “race” now refer more to social and economic differences Early September 2009 The Ashaninkas After only having been in Lima for about a week I’ve been
fortunate enough to go on a short trip through the sierra (the Andes highlands)
and into the selva (the jungle and the
beginnings of the Amazonian rainforest) with the program that I am studying with
(University of Virginia in Peru).
Peruvians tend to separate their country into three regions: the coast, the
sierra, and the selva, which is common
knowledge here that you will quickly find out upon arrival in Anyways, during this excursion our group was able to visit
the sierra, specifically the city of Tarma, as well as the
selva in the towns of Pichanaki, Satipo, and Puerto Ocopa.
The town of The second night at Puerto Ocopa the students were excited
to take us out to a local bar in their village, which ended up being an open
area next to somebody’s home which also sold beer.
Here, the night transformed itself into a boisterous but friendly
cultural exchange. Communicating
back and forth in Spanish (in my case broken Spanish) our group was anxious to
learn Ashaninka phrases while in turn, the boys in our group taught popular
American pick-up lines to our new friends.
The conversation eventually turned into a dance party and we began
jamming to techno and then cumbia…a type of music that’s uber-popular in Reminders of the globalization of our world were everywhere and the Ashaninkas weren’t removed from the effects of being interconnected. Everything from illegal loggers filling their trucks with timber, to the TV located in the town’s pavilion where we watched WWF wrestling, to the students’ interest in American politics, I was reminded of their interconnectedness with the rest of the world. Those things aside, some of their customs and ways of living seemed so untouched by the “outside world” (if of course we were to pretend that the Ashaninkas were ever a group isolated to themselves). For example, most of the Ashaninkas lived in huts without walls, some decorated their face with red paint, and others told us stories about mythical dwarfs and demons. I suppose the reason why I found myself so perplexed by the Ashaninkas was that I wanted to categorize them as something…as “native” or “modern” or in a state of transforming to a modern lifestyle and loosing their cultural heritage. But I don’t think any of these categories really fit this group, or any group of people for that matter. I suppose it’s more of a problem that we want or need to categorize people as something so we can understand them…or “modernize” them, or even “preserve” them.
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